Abstract
Current
theories of binding cannot provide a uniform account for many facts
associated with the distribution of anaphors, such as long-distance
binding effects and the subject-orientation of monomorphemic anaphors.
Further, traditional binding theory is incompatible with minimalist
assumptions. In this dissertation I propose an analysis of anaphoric
binding based on a feature-checking mechanism (Pesetsky & Torrego
2007), by introducing the feature rho, a formalization of the
reflexivity proposal of Reinhart and Reuland 1993. I argue that the
rho feature is responsible for establishing coreference between an
anaphor and its antecedent, by being present and valued on reflexives
while being unvalued on a higher phrasal head. Valuation of rho under
Agree results in the introduction of a lambda-operator, which binds
the reflexive variable, thereby establishing the coreference between an
anaphor and its antecedent. Central to the workings of this theory is a
necessary revision of the definition of binding domains. Previous
definitions could not uniformly account for the possibility of
long-distance binding and its correlation with subject-orientation. I
reduce the notion of binding domain to a phase, a domain independently
motivated in recent research. I demonstrate problems with the
traditional definition of a phase, and revise this definition so that
phasal domains are derivable from independent mechanisms of grammar, in
particular by feature-checking under Agree. I argue that a domain
becomes phasal as soon as all relevant features within this domain are
valued. As a result, domains with defective tense such as infinitives
and subjunctives can be closed at a late stage, permitting probing into
them without violating the PIC. Having revised the definition of a
phase, I show how phases can be implemented as binding domains and how
this can account for cross-linguistic differences in long-distance
binding as well as correctly predict the typology of
subject-orientation, among other empirical advantages. Finally, I
consider the interaction of A'-movement (scrambling and
wh-movement) and anaphoric binding and show how it affects the status of
binding domains. This analysis of binding has wider empirical coverage
than existing analyses and makes binding theory consistent with the
minimalist view on the architecture of grammar.
Description
257 pg.
